Public Opinion

PNAS 123/33 pp. e2617191123-e2617191123 2026-08-10 Original Americans favor predistributive over redistributive economic policies David Broska, Jonne Kamphorst, Robb Willer Abstract Redistributive policies designed to reduce economic inequality through taxes and transfers (e.g., safety-net benefits funded by progressive taxation) receive less support in the United States than in many Western democracies. Recent work suggests Americans may be more receptive to "predistributive" policies, which seek to reduce economic inequality before taxes and transfers (e.g., minimum-wage increases). Yet existing evidence leaves open whether this support gap characterizes contemporary Americans overall, and whether it persists when the same policy proposals are described in predistributive vs. redistributive terms, with their core provisions held constant. Across 31 national U.S. survey waves from 2015 to 2024 (total [Formula: see text]), we find greater support for policies classified as predistributive than redistributive. We then fielded a preregistered experiment with a national U.S. sample ([Formula: see text]), randomly varying whether otherwise identical policy proposals were described as increasing earnings for people lower in the income distribution, shifting resources from higher- to lower-income individuals, or presented only with the policy description given in all conditions. Support was higher under predistributive than redistributive descriptions. Comparison with the control condition clarifies this difference: Predistributive descriptions received support comparable to control, whereas redistributive descriptions received lower support. Exploratory analyses suggest perceived respect for hard work and beneficiary deservingness were associated with the support gap. Together, these results suggest Americans prefer policies that reduce inequality by influencing earnings more than through taxes and transfers.

PSJ 54/3 2026-08-04 Original The Effects of Policy Success Versus Failure Narratives Sarah Pralle, Emily Thorson Abstract ABSTRACT While public policies usually have mixed effects, succeeding at some aspects and failing at others, this nuance is often lost in public discourse when political actors like advocacy groups and politicians strategically emphasize either the successes or failures of particular policies. For example, advocacy groups often emphasize the failures of existing policy with the goal of galvanizing public attention and concern. However, little empirical evidence exists assessing the actual causal impact of these different approaches on public attitudes. This paper presents the results of a pre‐registered experiment in which participants watch a TikTok‐style short news video about either the success or failure of one of three different public policies and then are asked about their trust in government to handle the issue, their perceptions of the issue's importance, and their feelings of collective efficacy. While success and failure narratives are both effective at raising an issue's salience, focusing on a policy's failure has the downstream effect of increasing cynicism about the government's ability to address the issue.

PNAS 123/30 pp. e2608203123-e2608203123 2026-07-20 Original Public responses to atrocities depend on partisanship and context, not legal labels Yphtach Lelkes, E.M. Mitchell, Erin Walk, Sean Westwood

JOP — 2026-07-17 Original Open-Ended Survey Responses and Political Conceptualizations in a Polarized Era Maxwell Allamong, Benjamin Beutel, Jongwoo Jeong, Paul Kellstedt Abstract （原文未提供摘要） 中文 极化时代的开放式调查回答与政治概念化

JCC — pp. 1-18 2026-07-16 Original Cultivated Memories and Selective Nationalism in China: Evidence on the United States and Russia Yu Liu, Tuo Chen Abstract Despite China’s similarly complex modern relationships with both the United States and Russia, contemporary Chinese public opinion is far more favorable toward Russia than toward the United States. Why? Combining observational analysis, survey experiments, and conventional regression, we argue that state regulation of collective memory about the two countries plays a key role in producing this selective nationalism. Using original data from two survey experiments in China, we show that exposure to more balanced historical information, rather than the one-sided narratives promoted by the state, reduces both anti-Americanism and pro-Russian sentiment. We also find that educational attainment, as a vehicle for political indoctrination, is associated with stronger anti-American and pro-Russian views. Our study highlights memory engineering as a powerful instrument of political misinformation.

JOP — 2026-07-06 Original Indirect Influence: How Elite Attacks on Information Providers Affect Public Opinion Formation Erik Peterson, Allison M.N. Archer, Kishan Bhakta, Sho Izumisawa

JOP 88/3 pp. 952-966 2026-07-01 Original Toward Understanding Condonation of Gender-Based Violence: The Interaction of Patriarchal Values and Contextual Elements of Violence Against Women James L. Gibson, Amanda Gouws

APSR — pp. 1-21 2026-06-17 Original Beyond Belief Change: The Persuasive Returns of Targeting Attitude–Relevant Beliefs

JOP — 2026-06-16 Original Police Violence during Protests: Ideology and Public Beliefs about Misconduct Christoph Steinert Valentin Steinert, Kristine Eck Abstract （原文未提供摘要） 中文 抗议期间的警察暴力：意识形态与公众对不当行为的信念 Christoph Steinert Valentin Steinert, Kristine Eck

CQ 266 pp. 491-505 2026-05-29 Original How the Chinese Public Perceives South-East Asia: Affinity, Annoyance and Apprehension Enze Han Abstract Abstract This article explores how the Chinese public perceives South-East Asia. Using original survey data collected in China, it suggests three perceptual frames. The “affinity” frame, which is rooted in historical Chinese migration and diaspora ties, generates feelings of kinship and cultural connection. Conversely, the “annoyance” frame stems from contemporary geopolitical tensions, particularly South China Sea disputes, where several South-East Asian countries are viewed as provocateurs challenging China’s regional authority. The “apprehension” frame characterizes the region as exotic yet dangerous, a perception reinforced by recent cyber scams and criminal activities targeting Chinese citizens, creating stereotypes of South-East Asia as lawless and unsafe. The article analyses the survey data for the statistical distribution of these frames and discusses their political implications. By exploring how historical ties, geopolitical tensions and security concerns simultaneously shape Chinese public opinion, the article illuminates the complex perceptual landscape that may influence China’s diplomatic and economic relations with South-East Asia.