政治行为

JOP 88/3 pp. 1048-1065 2026-07-01 Original Revisiting the Link Between Political Trust and Political Participation Edmund Kelly, James Tilley, Sven Oskarsson Abstract Political trust is typically seen as a cause of political participation, and thus, declining levels of trust in politicians and institutions are often blamed for political disengagement. By revisiting the formation of political trust, we argue that this blame may be misplaced. We show that the correlation between political trust and participation is largely explained by heritable predispositions that make some people simultaneously more likely to trust political authorities and to participate in politics. Using variance decomposition models and co-twin control designs with data from three twin studies from the United States, Sweden, and Australia, we demonstrate that trust is moderately heritable and that previous estimates of the association between trust and participation are overstated. This result is robust to multiple operationalizations and specifications. We conclude that political trust may be less likely to affect political behavior than previously thought.

JOP 88/3 pp. 1082-1097 2026-07-01 Original Race, Diversity, and the Development of Political Attitudes on College Campuses Nathan K. Chan, Tanika Raychaudhuri Abstract （原文未提供摘要） 中文 种族、多样性与大学校园政治态度的发展 Nathan K. Chan, Tanika Raychaudhuri

JOP 88/3 pp. 1145-1161 2026-07-01 Original Occupation-Specific Skills, Labor Market Context, and Preferences for Redistribution Josep Serrano-Serrat Abstract （原文未提供摘要） 中文 职业特定技能、劳动力市场环境与再分配偏好 Josep Serrano-Serrat 摘要 原文未提供摘要 关键词 再分配偏好、职业特定技能、劳动力市场环境、政治经济学、不平等 DOI: 10.1086/736340 查看原文 →

JOP 88/3 pp. 1011-1026 2026-07-01 Original Immigration, Public Housing, and Support for the French National Front Gloria Gennaro Abstract In Europe, urban peripheries that host public housing estates are often inhab-ited by a diverse population, including many migrants. In those places, far-rightparties enjoy growing electoral support. This paper asks: Can expansionary publichousing policies boost the electoral support of far-right parties in diverse communi-ties? I exploit the staggered roll-out of a French public housing policy to show thatresidents of municipalities with large pre-policy immigration shares vote more forthe National Front in response to public housing expansion. The opposite happensin municipalities with low pre-policy exposure to immigration. The paper investi-gates three potential mechanisms: compositional changes, material grievances, andlatent group conflict. Separate empirical analyses of sociodemographic, housing,and newspaper data suggest that the third mechanism may drive the results. Thepaper further discusses the theoretical and practical implications of these findingsfor understanding the challenges of adapting the welfare state to increasingly diversesocieties.

JOP 88/3 pp. 1264-1269 2026-07-01 Original How Group Appeals Shape Group–Party Linkages in Two Political Systems

JOP 88/3 pp. 1270-1274 2026-07-01 Original Gendered Targeting: Do Parties Tailor Their Campaign Ads to Women? Cornelius Erfort Abstract （原文未提供摘要） 中文 性别化定向：政党会为女性量身定制竞选广告吗？ Cornelius Erfort 摘要 原文未提供摘要 关键词 性别、竞选广告、政党定向、女性选民、政治传播 DOI: 10.1086/736027 查看原文 →

JOP 88/3 pp. 900-915 2026-07-01 Original Expectations, Gender Bias, and Federal Reserve Talk: Do Americans Trust Women as Central Bankers? Cristina Bodea, Andrew Kerner Abstract （原文未提供摘要） 中文 预期、性别偏见与美联储言论：美国人信任女性担任央行官员吗？

JOP 88/3 pp. 1275-1280 2026-07-01 Original Door-to-Door Campaigning in an Electoral Autocracy: Evidence from Hungary Gábor Simonovits, Ferenc Szucs, Bence Hamrak Abstract To what extent can opposition parties in hybrid regimes persuade voters? Although door-to-door campaigning is a frequently used technique by parties, we lack scholarly evidence on their effectiveness in mobilizing voters—especially in nondemocratic contexts. In electoral autocracies, on-the-ground campaigns might prove especially important due to the inequality between parties’ media access and resources. In this study, we estimate the impact of a Hungarian opposition party’s canvassing efforts for the 2019 European Parliament election relying on granular data and precise information about how party activists were allocated to geographical units. We find that the party’s campaign led to a roughly 1-percentage-point (about 15% of the standard deviation) increase compared to its previous vote share. At the same time, we also demonstrate that the campaign seemed to hurt other opposition parties instead of the governing party, highlighting the possible challenges that opposition parties face in electoral autocracies.

JOP 88/3 pp. 1281-1285 2026-07-01 Original Does School Debating Reduce Vulnerability to Misinformation? A Field Experiment in Poland Krzysztof Krakowski, Bernhard Clemm von Hohenberg, Davide Morisi

JOP 88/3 pp. 1245-1257 2026-07-01 Original Does Informing Partisans About Partisan Bias Reduce Partisan Bias? Diogo Ferrari Abstract This registered report study examines whether informing partisans about the party cue effect reduces partisan bias in policy judgments. It employs an experimental design in which subjects are informed that party cues induce people who identify with a party to take policy positions because the party does and that there are potential drawbacks of relying on party cues instead of reflecting on the policy content. The hypothesis is that those who are aware of the party cue effect will be less likely to rely on party cues when making policy judgments compared to those who are not informed.