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政治行为

The Paradox in Citizen's Views Toward Bureaucracy: Exploring Bureauphobia in More Depth

GOV 39/3 2026-04-16 Original The Paradox in Citizen's Views Toward Bureaucracy: Exploring Bureauphobia in More Depth Zeinab Molavi, Hassan Danaeefard, Ali Hamidizadeh Abstract ABSTRACT This study investigates how Iranian citizens develop bureauphobia. The process was examined from the perspectives of 59 citizens using the grounded theory method. Data were collected through semi‐structured interviews, and Corbin and Strauss's constant comparison method was employed for data analysis. In the grounded process model, the core category was the cognitive dissonance, and other categories were: causal conditions—observational learning, media exaggeration, citizens' overgeneralization bias, and citizens' preexisting mental schema; intervening factors—economic conditions and the overall community atmosphere; contextual factors—the self‐defensive role of negative attitude, the value‐laden negative attitude, and adherence to negative attitude; strategies—self‐persuasion and selective avoidance; and consequences —cognitive and behavioral effects. The findings indicate that the negative image of the government is more psychological and less a result of citizens' evaluation of the actual performance of public bureaucracy. This study has theoretical and practical implications for bureaucracy theorists, policymakers, and government managers.

Understanding Nimbyism as Local Preservationism

JOP — 2026-04-14 Original Understanding Nimbyism as Local Preservationism Martin Vinæs Larsen, Niels Nyholt Abstract Responding to important societal challenges requires physical changes in local communities. Yet, such changes are often blocked by strong ``not-in-my-backyard'' opposition. Existing research explains this nimbyism in terms of homeowners' interest in protecting property values or an intent to exclude poor people and racial minorities. Instead, we argue that nimbyism reflects a desire to preserve the physical character of one's neighborhood. We investigate this local preservationism explanation using a large-scale vignette survey experiment, asking respondents to evaluate a hypothetical project we place on a personalized map of their neighborhood. Our analyses show that most residents have strong feelings about how their local area looks, and that those who do not exhibit less nimby opposition. We also show that citizens exhibit less nimby opposition towards projects that fit into the local built environment. In contrast, we find limited evidence for explanations related to home values and social exclusion.

Reassessing Gendered Reactions to Terrorist Attacks: Slumps or Bumps?

APSR — pp. 1-13 2026-04-13 Original Reassessing Gendered Reactions to Terrorist Attacks: Slumps or Bumps? YUSAKU HORIUCHI, MARTHA C. JOHNSON Abstract In a recent article published in this journal, Holman, Merolla, and Zechmeister (2022; 2024) report a decrease in support for U.K. Prime Minister Theresa May following the 2017 Manchester bombing, using data from the British Election Studies. Our analysis, however, reveals that once a linear time trend is considered, the bombing does not significantly affect public reactions. We replicate their study with Gallup World Poll data and likewise find no decline in May’s approval rating. Extending the analysis, we examine major terrorist attacks in African countries led by men and similarly find no rally effect. Together, these results cast doubt on terrorism’s capacity to trigger rally ’round the flag dynamics and challenge claims of a gendered pattern whereby women leaders face unique penalties in crises. We argue that broader comparative evidence is necessary before concluding whether citizens rally around, or retreat from, leaders in the wake of terrorism.

When Do Legislators Represent Their Constituents? Evidence from Roll-Call and Referendum Votes

JOP 88/2 pp. 854-866 2026-04-01 Original When Do Legislators Represent Their Constituents? Evidence from Roll-Call and Referendum Votes John G. Matsusaka Abstract This article develops a measure of representation that uses referendum returns to capture constituent opinion and applies it to 4,192 roll-call votes on 33 laws in 10 states. Roll-call votes were congruent with majority/median opinion in a district 66% of the time. Roll-call votes can be explained primarily by legislator ideology, with constituent opinion of secondary importance. The data do not show a reliable connection between congruence and competitive elections, term limits, media attention, and party pressure. The evidence generally supports the predictions of representation theories that emphasize selection of legislators that share constituent ideology and provides little support for theories that emphasize reelection incentives.

Varieties of Participation and Investment in Local Public Goods: Evidence from an RCT in Kenya

JOP — 2026-04-01 Original Varieties of Participation and Investment in Local Public Goods: Evidence from an RCT in Kenya Tara Grillos, Michael Touchton Abstract (原文未提供摘要) 中文 参与形式的多样性与地方公共品投资:来自肯尼亚随机对照试验的证据

The Politics of Disaster Prevention

JOP 88/2 pp. 746-759 2026-04-01 Original The Politics of Disaster Prevention Martin Gilens, Tali Mendelberg, Nicholas Short Abstract Despite the importance of effective disaster policy, governments typically fail to produce it. The main explanation offered by political scientists is that voters strongly support postdisaster relief but not policies that seek to prevent or prepare for disaster. This study challenges that view. We develop novel measures of preferences for disaster prevention and postdisaster relief. We find strong support for prevention policies and candidates who pursue them, even among the subgroups that are the most opposed. Support for prevention has the hallmarks of “real” attitudes: consistency across wordings and response formats, including open-ended probes; steadfastness in the face of arguments; and willingness to make trade-offs against disaster relief, increased taxes, and reduced spending on other programs. Neither cognitive biases for the here and now nor partisan polarization prevent robust majority support for disaster prevention. We validate these survey findings with election results, which suggest voters act on these preferences.