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Soft Power as Constituency Cultivation

JOP 88/3 pp. 1202-1215 2026-07-01 Original Soft Power as Constituency Cultivation Scott A. Tyson, Ethan Kapstein, Audrye Wong Abstract How do foreign agents, representing countries or other political actors, exert influence in another country? While scholars have directed considerable theoretical and empirical attention toward “hard power” (e.g., coercion [explicit or implicit] and corruption/bribery), far less consideration has been devoted to understanding the theoretical mechanisms associated with “soft” channels of political influence. We develop a novel theory of soft power as constituency cultivation whereby an actor (government or firm) makes a targeted investment in a foreign society with the objective of creating greater policy alignment among a set of politically relevant actors (the policy selectorate). We consider two factors that influence constituency cultivation, preexisting interest congruence and coordination (e.g., focal points), and extend our model to include corruption and other forms of bribery. We show how the potential for corruption/bribery can enhance the benefits from soft power, implying that corruption and soft power are complementary forms of influence.

Managing Exposure: China’s Foreign Policy Adaptation to Overseas Conflict Risks

JCC — pp. 1-17 2026-06-28 Original Managing Exposure: China’s Foreign Policy Adaptation to Overseas Conflict Risks Pascal Abb Abstract China’s global economic expansion has resulted in a major foothold in conflict-prone regions. This exposure drives an increasingly active approach to risk mitigation and asset protection, and a gradual shift in Chinese security policy towards more interventionist measures. Yet how these risks are assessed in China, and what role they play in shaping its global security agency, remains understudied. This paper traces Chinese discourses on overseas conflict risk management and resulting policy shifts. It examines how Chinese sources describe the problem, rate risks across distinct environments, and propose measures to improve risk management and asset protection. It argues that outcomes like the Global Security Initiative are best understood as adaptations to these risks, revealing clues about China’s emergence as a global security provider.

The Domestic Sources of International Trust

APSR — pp. 1-19 2026-06-08 Original The Domestic Sources of International Trust MICHAEL A. GOLDFIEN, MICHAEL F. JOSEPH, ROSEANNE W. MCMANUS Abstract How do states overcome mistrust? Scholars argue that costly foreign policy signals build trust. But when trust is low, such as during rivalries, states are unwilling to use these signals for fear of being cheated. We argue that domestic policies can also build trust by revealing information about a state’s likelihood of cooperating internationally when there is a correlation between domestic and international preferences. We further argue that domestic policies have a distinct advantage: the value states accrue from them depends less on international reciprocation. As a result, domestic choices can reassure counterparts at moments when trust is so low that costly international signals appear prohibitively risky. We test the implications of our theory in case studies of the Cold War’s end and United States–South Korea trust-building post-coup, illuminating several phenomena the current literature struggles to explain: initial trust-building between enduring rivals, asymmetric trust-building, and trust-building through illiberal domestic policies.

Risk and Responsibility: Climate Disasters and IMF Conditionality

JOP — 2026-06-05 Original Risk and Responsibility: Climate Disasters and IMF Conditionality Sabrina B. Arias, Richard Clark Abstract (原文未提供摘要) 中文 风险与责任:气候灾害与国际货币基金组织条件性 Sabrina B. Arias, Richard Clark 摘要 原文未提供摘要 关键词 气候灾害、国际货币基金组织、条件性、风险、责任、国际政治经济学

How the Chinese Public Perceives South-East Asia: Affinity, Annoyance and Apprehension

CQ 266 pp. 491-505 2026-05-29 Original How the Chinese Public Perceives South-East Asia: Affinity, Annoyance and Apprehension Enze Han Abstract Abstract This article explores how the Chinese public perceives South-East Asia. Using original survey data collected in China, it suggests three perceptual frames. The “affinity” frame, which is rooted in historical Chinese migration and diaspora ties, generates feelings of kinship and cultural connection. Conversely, the “annoyance” frame stems from contemporary geopolitical tensions, particularly South China Sea disputes, where several South-East Asian countries are viewed as provocateurs challenging China’s regional authority. The “apprehension” frame characterizes the region as exotic yet dangerous, a perception reinforced by recent cyber scams and criminal activities targeting Chinese citizens, creating stereotypes of South-East Asia as lawless and unsafe. The article analyses the survey data for the statistical distribution of these frames and discusses their political implications. By exploring how historical ties, geopolitical tensions and security concerns simultaneously shape Chinese public opinion, the article illuminates the complex perceptual landscape that may influence China’s diplomatic and economic relations with South-East Asia.