Polihot

PSJ — 2026-04-12 Original Limits on Terms, Limits on Control: The Effect of Chief Executive Term Limits on Bureaucratic Responsiveness David R. Miller, Daniel M. Butler

PA — 2026-04-12 Original Does Digital Transformation Rely on Collaborative Dynamics? A Case Study on the Italian Public Digital Strategy Lorenzo Costumato, Andrea Bonomi Savignon, Fabiana Scalabrini, Luigina Paglieri

PMR — pp. 1-30 2026-04-10 Original When autonomy backfires or succeeds: curvilinear effects on innovative behaviour in the public sector and the moderating role of transformational leadership

PMR — pp. 1-33 2026-04-09 Original When boards connect during challenging times: exploring the link between nonprofit board interlock and expenditure reduction Jeongyoon Lee, Junoh Jeon

PSJ — 2026-04-09 Original Leveraging an Unhappiness Lens for Smarter Policies Marine Coupaud, Gilles Grolleau, Naoufel Mzoughi Abstract ABSTRACT Traditional policy research has largely focused on enhancing happiness or well‐being, privileging positive outcomes as the primary metric of success. We argue that a systematic focus on the drivers of unhappiness—rather than solely on happiness—offers a complementary analytical framework that can uncover hidden societal deficits and broaden the repertoire of policy interventions. By foregrounding unhappiness, scholars and practitioners can identify latent demand, structural inequities, and unintended negative side effects that are often obscured in happiness‐centric analyses. We first articulate why a shift away from predominantly happiness‐driven policies is conceptually necessary, demonstrating that unhappiness signals distinct causal pathways and policy levers. Second, we explain how adopting an unhappiness lens can lead to different—and potentially better—policy outcomes. By integrating unhappiness into the policy toolkit, this paper expands the analytical horizon of scholars and offers policymakers actionable insights for more resilient, equitable, and responsive governance. We introduce several novel theoretical issues that provide a strong foundation for a research agenda on unhappiness and its policy implications. We also caution that misusing unhappiness‐based arguments poses ethical risks and could exacerbate the very problems such arguments aim to address.

GOV 39/2 2026-04-08 Original From the Administrative Presidency to Personalist Consolidation: Trumpism and Executive Control of the Regulatory State William G. Resh Abstract ABSTRACT This essay investigates the evolving relationship between Trumpism and the United States regulatory state, focusing on how Donald Trump has reshaped American administrative governance to one of personalist consolidation. Drawing on scholarship of the administrative presidency, I argue that Trumpism represents a strategic fusion of structural deregulation in sectors like environmental protection, energy, and finance with robust state intervention in domains tied to a right‐wing populist definition of national sovereignty. Trumpism reflects a personalist style of governance rooted in the exploitation of institutional tools of the administrative presidency that have developed across both Democratic and Republican administrations over the past century. By situating Trump within the broader institutional evolution of executive power, I highlight how his manipulation of the regulatory state entrenches executive dominance and preserves an illiberal reform in governance through electoral legitimation paired with the erosion of liberal‐democratic accountability standards in administration.

JCC — pp. 1-16 2026-04-08 Original China’s Quasi-Mediation Diplomacy in the Middle East in the 21st Century Mordechai Chaziza Abstract This study examines China’s quasi-mediation diplomacy in the Middle East as a limited form of conflict management. Rather than viewing mediation as dispute resolution, quasi-mediation is framed as a strategy for China to engage regionally while minimizing political and reputational risk. Through cases such as the 2023 Saudi-Iran rapprochement and China’s involvement in the Israel-Palestine conflict, the article argues that quasi-mediation allows China to signal responsible power, manage regional instability, and expand its diplomatic visibility, without taking on coercive leverage or implementation. The analysis reveals that China’s efforts are more about reputational signaling and risk management than conflict resolution. Ultimately, quasi-mediation reflects China’s global ambitions and the constraints of its non-interference policy in a multipolar world.

GOV 39/2 2026-04-07 Original When the Regulatory State Meets Populism: Regulatory Agencies in Mexico Mauricio I. Dussauge‐Laguna, Martin Lodge, Daniel Daza‐Vázquez

AJPS — 2026-04-07 Original Veto players and policy development Alexander V. Hirsch, Kenneth W. Shotts Abstract Abstract We analyze the effects of veto players when the set of available policies is not exogenously fixed, but rather determined by policy developers who work to craft new high‐quality proposals. If veto players are moderate, there is active competition between developers on both sides of the ideological spectrum. However, more extreme veto players induce asymmetric activity, as one side disengages from development. With highly extreme veto players, policy development ceases, and gridlock results. We also analyze effects on centrists' utility. Moderate veto players dampen productive policy development, and extreme ones eliminate it entirely, either of which is bad for centrists. But some effects are surprisingly positive; somewhat extreme veto players can induce policy developers who dislike the status quo to craft moderate, high‐quality proposals. Our model accounts for changing patterns of policymaking in the U.S. Senate and suggests that if polarization continues centrists will become increasingly inclined to eliminate the filibuster.

PA — 2026-04-07 Original Rethinking Reproductive Governance: What Can Public Administration on the Island of Ireland Learn From Abortion Accompaniment? Anna Theresa Schmid Abstract ABSTRACT The recent decriminalization of abortion marked a crucial step toward improved reproductive care on the island of Ireland. However, this has not translated into fully accessible abortion provision—barriers, including inaccessible services, persist, leaving gaps that public administration has not formally addressed. In response, informal actors, particularly abortion accompaniers, may continue playing a critical role in enabling care. Drawing on asynchronous online discussions with 19 individuals who accompanied abortions over the past decade, this article examines how accompaniment operates not merely as individual support but as a structural necessity that illustrates alternative futures for abortion administration. The analysis demonstrates how accompaniment assumes a quasi‐administrative function, helping individuals navigate bureaucratic systems and compensating for shortcomings in formal provision. It also highlights how accompaniment embodies alternative models of care, rooted in demedicalization and reproductive justice. I outline key learnings for public administration: rethinking abortion governance as a system that centers on accessibility and dignity, learning from accompaniment to design community‐based services, and eliminating bureaucratic barriers to create more equitable abortion care. Current accompaniment practices are not simply a workaround for legal and medical failures but an indicator of systemic shortcomings—offering a blueprint for more accessible reproductive health care that truly serves the public.